The recent signals that leave the Adiala prison clearly indicate that the founder of Pakistan Tehreek-E-Insaf (PTI) Imran Khan is not humorous to make peace with the titular government and will resort to repeating the past errors that have Extended the Gulf between him and him and his former benefactors.
Khan has hinted to launch a protest movement throughout the country to force the government to accept the demands of his party, which are probably dismissed not only by the government but also by those who exercise real power in the country.
Critics feel that Khan wants to keep the party in a useless perennial state of agitation that has not benefited his comrades or the country. Such agitation in the past only served to create panic among investors, giving a severe blow to the country’s hesitant economy. The detractors accused of the detractors of approaching the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and other global organisms to deter them from extending a friendly hand to Islamabad that has been struggling to fix a weakened economy that many governmental people were ruined by disastrous policies of the PTI.
Political observers believe that the PTI was fixing the hopes to the US president Donald Trump for any possible relief for Khan, but after noticing an indifference to the appeals of the party, the former prime minister is resorting to his old tactics of achieving political objectives to through the power of the street and agitation.
But many feel that the party does not have the type of street power that used to have between 2011 and 2018. That power also existed for some years after its expulsion, but has decreased over time.
They point out that the PTI is not a revolutionary party and that most of its leaders have proven their fate in different political organizations in the past. Many were motivated to join the party to obtain dividends from Khan’s wave, which was partially supported by the invisible forces of the State.
The party reported the party said it would seek the collaboration of other opposition parties for this possible agitation, but the question is: other opposition parties really have the type of street power that could force the government to pay attention to the demands of the PTI ?
Many PTI detractors that the party is playing a double game, on the one hand, looking for conversations with the government, but on the other threatening to launch a protest throughout the country.
In the midst of this, why would opposition parties trust the PTI, which do not have strong democratic credentials and have always been susceptible to the idea of passing with powers?
The only party with street power in the ranks of the opposition is Jui-F, but he would not like to invest his political capital in a movement that could greatly benefit the PTI.
The complaint of the chief of Jamiat Ulema-E-Islam (JUI-F), Mauula Fazlur Rehman, about the transparency of the latest general elections puts an interrogation sign on the victory of the PTI in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP).
Given this, why would Rehman endanger his political career next to a force that is not only welcome in Islamabad power runners but also elsewhere? Why would sacrifice the energies of his party workers for someone who ridiculed him publicly?
It would be difficult for Rehman to launch support behind a leader whose speeches and statements did not reflect anything but despise for Jui-F and his leaders.
In addition to that, from President Zardari to former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, a series of governmental people still enjoy very good links with La Maulana.
Fearing a combined opposition, the Government could take action at any time to court it, and given its history, it is not unlikely to Refram completely ignore the Oberturas de Zardari or Nawaz.
The third largest opposition game is that of the Pashtunkhwa Awami match by Mahmood Khan Achakzai (PKMAP). He has already faced fissures after the mysterious death of his former senior leader Usman Kakar a few years ago.
If PKMAP is delivered to any additional agitation, it will cause even more damage to the hesitant organizational structure of the party.
Now, the question is: will the PTI carry out this agitation alone? Does it have enough numerical strength to challenge the current dispensation? Its leaders, some of which are known for their traditional political opportunism, will it risk everything only for the whims of their leader? Since some say that they can barely organize a corner meeting, can they mobilize large -scale people?
The party already faced internal dissensions due to a myriad of problems. The expulsion of the Fire Brand Sher Afzal Khan Marwat has already disappointed a section of party workers. Now, the party is reflecting on the teaching of a tough lesson to those parliamentarians who did not give the line of the party on the theme of the 26th amendment.
However, the point is that being public representatives is not an abstract phenomenon. Behind the parliamentarians are the support of their voters or supporters who attend political manifestations to succeed them.
PiT’s Punjab organization has already been in disorder for some years and now if some parliamentarians are also expelled, marginalized or converted into darkes, then bringing people to political demonstrations or protests will be an arduous task, difficult to achieve without support without of traditional politicians than traditional politicians to master the party in various parts of the country.
Ordinary party workers have disappointed themselves after noticing the opportunism of their leaders. While the party talks about Khan’s imprisonment and the difficult situation of Bushra Bibi, the main leaders have rarely held any press conference (lately) about the difficulties facing Shah Mehmood Quraishi, Yasmin Rashid, Sarfaraz Chema, Ijaz Chaudhary and others.
It is also very likely that the repression after 9 of the State also deter workers from the common parties to risk their future. That is why it would be much more prudent for the party to let the sanity prevail. Critics believe that Imran Khan made a mistake when renouncing the Punjab government months after the expulsion of his federal government.
Even after his departure without ceremonies of the power corridors of Islamabad, his party was governing in Gilgit-Baltistan, Azad Jammu and Kashmir, KP and Punjab. He, the political observers, believe that he could have demonstrated the performance of the party in these regions while waiting for the next elections and could have reversed the tide in his favor, but ended up losing that opportunity.
The PTI once again has the opportunity to relieve poverty in KP, where it governs. It also has the opportunity to eliminate illiteracy, boost trade, improve the health system and carry out reforms in government departments. People did not see Naya Pakistan during Imran Khan’s first mandate.
Perhaps, the PTI can show them by turning the KP into a model province for citizens by providing pure drinking water and quality education, and putting an end to corruption, eliminating terrorism, promoting tourism and protecting the rights of women and other sections marginalized from society.
If the party again uses the policy of agitation and protests, it is likely to believe more fissures inside, while leading to a situation of confrontation between Peshawar and Islamabad, which would be harmful not only for the party but also the federation as a whole . Political sagacity would dictate that the PTI avoids this useless perennial agitation.
Discharge of responsibility: The views expressed in this piece are that of writer and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of PakGazette.TV.
The writer is an independent journalist who can be contacted in: [email protected]
Originally published in the news
